However, a very strong point of contention in the Cadiz Cortes, was the demographic balance in the representation of deputies. El caudillismo en Amrica Latina, ayer y hoy. He had some clear political motivations in doing this, (i.e., as an argument to reject federalism and favor stronger governments leaning towards authoritarianism). 1965. The British executive power possesses all the authority properly appertaining to a sovereign, but a triple line of dams, barriers, and stockades surrounds him. Levenes thesis is only half true. Again, Bolivar was certainly a big critic of Spanish imperialism, but he did not seem to mind other empires. However, later on, in the Constitution that he wrote for Upper Peru (named Bolivia in his honor) in 1826 and that he attempted to impose on Colombia afterwards, he stipulated the figure of President for Life. DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade G, Lugo-Ocando J. Bolivar was very eloquent in denouncing the vices of Spanish imperialism in his vociferous anti-colonial stand. Chodor, T. 2014. What state is more powerful than Great Britain? Bolivars authoritarian turn came later in his political career, well after independence was sealed. In 2010, in the backdrop of a wave of left-wing, populists and nationalists governments that have been swept into power in what some refer to as the Pink Tide (Chodor 2014), many Latin American countries (most notably Venezuela, Peru and Argentina) held massive celebrations for the 200th anniversary of the beginning of independence from Spain. Unfortunately, again, Bolivars reasoning is very confusing; as every critic of the House of Lords or any other hereditary office reminds us, such an institution is precisely the foundation for a nobility. Maistre, J. In the Angostura Address, he returns to this theme: The more I admire the excellency of the Federal Constitution of Venezuela, the more am I convinced of the impossibility of applying it to our situation (Bolivar 1819). During the Second National Congress of Angostura on February 15, 1819 Bolivar stood and gave an address that would form its own place in history. The morality of slavery was by no means a settled debate during the time of the Angostura Address. and men of philosophical thought (Roscio, Viscardo, etc. In his view, federalism may work in some countries, but not in all. From: Simn Bolvar, An Address of Bolivar at the Congress of Angostura (February 15, 1819), Reprint Ed., (Washington, D.C.: Press of B. S. Adams, 1919), passim. Retrieved from: http://www.archivodellibertador.gob.ve/escritos/buscador/spip.php?article9987. This logic is very hard to follow. comments powered by 1. The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading. DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade G and Lugo-Ocando J, The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading (2018) 47 Iberoamericana Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 74 DOI: http://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.427, Andrade, Gabriel, and Jairo Lugo-Ocando. Under the leadership of the Libertador Simn Bolvar, revolutionary forces repeatedly fought off Spanish attempts to regain control of the region until Bolvar decisively expelled Spanish forces at the battle of Ayacucho in 1824. He had a great ability to arouse emotions with grand claims in order to get the support of his audiences, but he was still lacking in detailed political reasoning. Latin America in the World Arena, 1800s-1980s, Moments and Events in U.S.-Latin American Relations (1800s-1980s), A History of United States Policy Towards Haiti, Document #46: Human Rights in Latin America: An Interview with Paulo Srgio Pinherio, Luis Muoz Martin: Founding Father of Modern Puerto Rico, Document #37: Monroe Doctrine, James Monroe (1823), Document #38 Abraham Lincoln on the Mexican-American War (1846-48), Document #39: Roosevelt Corollary, Theodore Roosevelt (1904), Document #40: Brazil, the United States and Pan Americanism, Document #35: United Fruit Co., Pablo Neruda (1950), Document #41: Address at a White House Reception for Members of Congress and for the Diplomatic Corps of the Latin American Republics, John F. Kennedy (1961), Chapter 16. Under the flags of freedom: slave soldiers and the wars of independence in Spanish South America. The Lycurgus legislature produced glory, virtue, morality and therefore national happiness (Bolivar 1819). The conspiracy against Miranda July 31, 1812. Dilogos Revista Electrnica de Historia, 16(2): 219267. In the Angostura Address, Bolivar tries to define Venezuelan national identity, more negatively than positively as he seemed clearer about what Venezuelans were not than what Venezuelans were: We are not Europeans, we are not Indians, but a middle race between the indigenous peoples and the Spaniards (Bolivar 1819). Bolivar himself made such a proclaim when arguing: Amidst that sea of woes and afflictions, I was nothing more than the miserable sport of the revolutionary hurricane, driven to and fro like the wild bird of the ocean (Bolivar 1819). Carlos Marx y Simn Bolvar: Apunte sobre el liderazgo autoritario en un movimiento de liberacin nacional. Desarrollo Econmico, 8(30/31): 293311. 1. Roberts, P. 2012. My sword, and the swords of my illustrious comrades-in-arms, will protect its solemn authority. The infamous slogan, se acata pero no se cunple (laws are obeyed, but not enforced), became a common standard of criollo administration. Although there were many reasons for Bolivars disputes with Francisco de Paula Santander (17921840) and other conspirators in Bogota, it was by far the ambition of becoming President for Life that turned out to be the most crucial amongst his opponents. Yet, astonishingly, Ferdinand abolished the 1812 Constitution, and imposed a new absolutist regime that, once again, contemplated the American territories as colonies. Carta a Francisco de Paula Santander. Would it not be most difficult to apply to Spain the English system of political, civil, and religious liberty: Hence, it would be even more difficult to adapt to Venezuela the laws of North America. Simon Bolvar's 1819 address to the Congress of Angostura took place in Venezuela during the long course of the struggle for independence. Annino, A. He begins the address by presenting the concept that "We are not Europeans; we are not Indians; we are but a mixed species of aborigines and Spaniards" (Boli var). His success, however, would again be short-lived, as in 1830 Gran Colombia ruptured into its three original constituent countries, and Bolivar would have to march into exile and died on his way in in the city of Santa Marta, before he could make it to Europe. Yet notwithstanding this deformity, the Roman Republic did not suffer from the disastrous discord which might be expected from a leadership consisting of two individuals, both endowed with a monarchs powers (Bolivar 1819). 1, 2018, pp. Castro-Klarn, S. 2003. Levene, R. 1951. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/ncr.2003.0004. Europeans still perceived Spain more as an African country, as in Alexandre Dumas (himself of African descent) apocryphal observation: Africa begins at the Pyrenees (Altaschul 2012: 11), and Enlightened Spaniards tried hard to overcome that. This time he understood that he could not make a frontal assault on Caracas, so he decided to begin a campaign of guerrilla warfare in the Eastern and Southern region of Guayana, in Venezuela, via the Orinoco River. El culto a Bolivar: Esbozo para un estudio de la historia de las ideas en Venezuela. State Fullerton. In 1829, in the mist of continuous crises of legitimacy, some of Bolivars loyalists in Bogota proposed to establish a monarchy, with Bolivar as king, although his title would be Liberator; he would then have a European prince as successor (Lynch 2010: 263). Addressing the Congress of Angostura, 1819 [Bolvar addresses the Congress of Angostura. The Andes: Soldiers, Oligarchs, and Indians, Memories of Violence, Peace, and Justice in Peru, Across Patagonia, Lady Florence Dixie (1881), Document #18: Pulacyo Theses, The Union Federation of Bolivian Mineworkers (1946), Document #19: Law of the Rights of Mother Earth, Plurinational Legislative Assembly of Bolivia (2010), Chapter 7. 80: Communist Interference in El Salvador, and Response to Stories Published in the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post, U.S. Department of State and Alexander Haig (1981), Document #12: Testimonies of Guatemalan Women, Luz Alicia Herrera (1980), Chapter 5. Bolivar was decidedly on the abolitionist side, and this speaks very well of his moral character. But the key difference is this: the governors of Isfahan are Persians, the viziers of the Great Lord in Turkey are Turks, and the sultans of Tartary are Tartars. That Constitution, labeled the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, written under the auspices of Hugo Chavez and the self-proclaimed Bolivarian Revolution, went to great lengths in attempting to imitate Bolivarian thinking in every aspect of political organization. Similar attempts to debunk myth from reality have not been able to play out in the ways that these efforts were originally intended such as the 2015s 200-year commemoration of Bolivars Jamaica Letter. Scanned by: J. S. Arkenberg, Dept. As early as 1805 (when he made his famous oath of American independence in Romes Monte Sacro), he was already determined to fight for American independence. He was a spirited combatant of monarchies, yet he insisted on being president for life (i.e., a king without a crown). It should be strongly proportioned to meet the resistance, which the executive must expect from the legislature, from the judiciary, and from the people of a republic. Comercio libre meant that various Spanish ports could trade with the Indies; however, the Indies could not trade with any other country. Bolivar, once again, was a man of the Enlightenment, but on this dispute, he seemed to be more on the side of Counter-Enlightenment figures who believed that the same political recipe could not be applied universally to all nations. Venezuelas First and Second Republic collapsed, in part because they failed to meet the support of pardos and slaves (Blanchard 2008). From there, with the auspices of President Alexandre Petion (17701818) that included 6.000 soldiers, money and even a print- (Helg 2003), Bolivar returned to Venezuela with a military expedition. Bolvar personally witnessed the rise of. Formerly, criollos had major participation in the administration of the Empire. (2018). University of Chicago Press. El proceso ideolgico de la emancipacin en Colombia. Sparta, of course, is the emblem of militarism in Western imagination. Bolivars choice of despotic governments, once again, reveals that he was a man of his time. of History, Cal. In the speech, Bolvar lays the foundations for the establishment of democratically governed Gran Colombia that is free from the burden of slavery and racial inequality. However, it would be a mistake to think that it was only after the independence that he became aware of this. There, he Latin America in the World Arena, 1990s - Present. But, as it turned out, this was just to pay lip service as Bolivar assumed dictatorial powers again and again throughout his ensuing political career. This was by far the most important motive in the struggle for independence amongst the criollo elite, and throughout his writings, Bolivar makes very clear how important this issue is for him. Disqus. On February 15, 1819, The Liberator entered the Government Palace of Angostura along with Rafael Urdaneta, Toms Montilla and The creation of a hereditary senate would in no way be a violation of political equality. By contrast, Counter-Enlightenment authors such as Joseph de Maistre argued thus: In the course of my life, I have seen Frenchmen, Italians, Russians, etc. Americans by birth and Europeans by law, we find ourselves engaged in a dual conflict: we are disputing with the natives for titles of ownership, and at the same time we are struggling to maintain ourselves in the country that gave us birth against the opposition of the invaders. During Simon Bolivar's address at the Congress of Angostura, in 1819, he argued for the freedom of the people of Latin America. Stoan, SK. The whole purpose of the Angostura Congress was precisely for Bolivar to renounce power as dictator and give it back to the constituency. But then, mysteriously, Bolivar argues that those very advantages are a good reason why a republican president should be endowed with greater power than a constitutional prince (Bolivar 1819). For, of all Enlightenment thinkers, Rousseau is typically considered to be somewhat of an outsider, even a pioneer of the Counter-Enlightenment. By 1819, Bolivar fully understood that he would not succeed without their support. In the Angostura Address, he was clearly against it. http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/267/26702702.pdf. () Legislators! Bolivar was certainly the foremost figure that synthetized formal political thought, constitutional doctrine, and revolutionary action. Hence, many expect that the 2019 will again be a year of nationalist unexamined joy, celebrating the Angostura Address. Who could resist the admiration and esteem inspired by an intelligent government, which unites at the same moment public and private rights, which forms by general consent the supreme law of individuals? And it is for this very reason that Bolivar believes that federalism works in North America, but it would never work in South America. 2018 Freedom of Speech Index. The ruling bureaucracy of Oriental despotism: A phenomenon that paralyzed Marx. The Review of Politics, 15(3): 350359. It is no speculation to argue that he was legitimately worried by the prospect that the emerging nations would not have a sufficiently defined national identity for viable political institutions. The hereditary senate will also serve as a counterweight to both government and people; and as a neutral power it will weaken the mutual attacks of these two eternally rival powers. Por que no soy bolivariano. No matter what citizen occupies this office, he will be aided by the Constitution, and therein being authorized to do good, he can do no harm, because his ministers will cooperate with him only insofar as he abides by the law. The wording is unmistakably reminiscent of Benthams philosophy, and indeed, the English philosopher was a major influence on Bolivars political thinking. Thus our position is most extraordinary and complicated. He was proud, and his words show it. 7482. Our piece is an opportunity to challenge future attempts by the Venezuelan government with its self-proclaimed Bolivarian Revolution- to expand the uncritical hero-worship of Simon Bolivars memory as an instrument of self-national aggrandizement.1. The address is presented in Spanish with a short editorial introduction in English. Orientalism. He appeals to the idea of a modern state of equality by claiming that "slavery is the daughter of darkness: an ignorant people is a blind instrument of its own destruction" (Boli var). Predictably, very much as Bolivar did in 1828, watching over public morality in the Bolivarian Revolution became despotic in itself, and many of Venezuelas basic freedoms (but most especially freedom of speech; Venezuela currently occupies number 143, as indexed by Reporters Without Borders (2018)) have deteriorated over the last 18 years. DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226016191.001.0001. The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading. Despite their genuine admiration for Bolivar, constituents understood that Bolivars argumentation in favor of hereditary principles of political power was very weak (not to say confusing), and that an institution imitating the British House of Lords would be nothing but a setback to old aristocratic times. The Angostura Address 200 Years Later: A Critical Reading. In the midst of the battles for independence, Bolvar summoned a congress in the city of Angostura to reassert New Granadas autonomy and to install a political system that he believed would be capable of sustaining a new republic. In political storms this body would arrest the thunderbolts of the government and would repel any violent popular reaction. As our role has always been strictly passive and political existence nil, we find that our quest for liberty is now even more difficult of accomplishment; for we, having been placed in a state lower than slavery, had been robbed not only of our freedom but also of the right to exercise an active domestic tyranny . This emphasis on militarism cohered well with his autocratic inclination. Latin America in the World Arena, 1990s Present, Moments and Events in Contemporary US-Latin American Relations, Document #43: Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) statement on Honduras, Document #42 President Obamas speech at the 2009 Summit of the Americas, Document #44: The Path Forward for Honduras, Document #45 Honduras: The Obama Administrations First Latin American Waterloo (2009), Document #47 Hillary Clintons speech on Opportunity in the Americas (2010), Modern Latin America, 8th Edition Companion Website, Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies. Carrera Damas, G. 2003. During Habsburg times, a great deal of contraband went on, but with the arrival of the Bourbons, economic regulations were severely tightened and enforced. Simon Bolivar: A Life. ), but few embodied both military and intellectual talents. . Former colonial powers may be admired in many regards, but that does not imply that there is exclusively one single path to progress that must be followed by all nations on Earth. Again the Angostura Address of 1819 clearly shows a Bolivar who was already very concerned with the chaotic potential of an independent South America. Reprint ed., Washington, D.C.: Press of B. S. Adams, 1919. Starting in 1999, Bolivars image was politically used by Hugo Chavezs leftist revolution, and ever since, leftist governments and guerrillas (especially FARC in Colombia) throughout the region have claimed to be followers of Bolivarian thinking. Indeed, despite his strong criticisms of Spanish imperialism he seemed to acknowledge that Spanish rule offered an important degree of stability and unity while independence could bring instead disunity and possible chaos amongst the emerging nations: The separation of America from the Spanish Monarchy resembles the state of the Roman Empire, when that enormous structure fell to pieces in the midst of the ancient world (Bolivar 1819). New York: Springer. The Angostura Address: Cultural identity, ethnic relations Although never formally educated in universities, Bolivar was a self-taught man and had at least two illustrious tutors who were the arguably the leading intellectuals of the region at the time; Simon Rodriguez and Andres Bello. Iberoamericana Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, vol. Being just 21 years old in 1805 and after losing his wife just years earlier, he went to tour Europe. In the South American revolutions, there were men of action (Paez, Sucre, etc.) Amrica Latina 4. By the end of his life, Bolivar was a deeply disappointed and bitter man who wrote to a friend: All who served the Revolution have plowed the sea (Bolivar 1830). Again, Bolivar never answers. One of the main thesis of that classic work of political philosophy, is that American democracy is not only built on a particular form of government and its institutions, but also on the cultural foundations of Americans (Tocqueville 2004). Congress of Angostura, an 1819-1821 legislative body of Gran Colombia. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. In order to achieve this political goal, Bolivar proposes conventional republican institutions: Venezuelas government has always been republican, it is republican, and it should always remain so. from the Original Spanish by Francisco Javier Ynes). Iberoamericana Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 47 (1): 7482. 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