One possible strategy to reduce costs is to base oneself on ideology. 0000002253 00000 n xxxiii, 178. It is interesting to know that Lazarsfeld, when he began his studies with survey data, especially in an electoral district in New York State, was looking for something other than the role of social factors. is premised on the assumption that elections connect the will of the people to the actions of government. A corollary to this theory is that voters react more to the government than to the opposition because performance is evaluated and a certain state of the economy, for example, can be attributed to the performance of a government. Finally, in a phase of misalignment, this would be the economic model, since there is a loss of these partisan loyalties, so these voters become more and more reactive to political events and therefore may be more rational in their decision-making process. We end up with a configuration where there is an electorate that is at the centre, there are party activists who are exercising the "voice" and who have access to the extreme, and there are party leaderships that are in between. It is a rather descriptive model, at least in its early stages. The same can be said of the directional model with intensity. (June 2012) Networks in electoral behavior, as a part of political science, refers to the relevance of networks in forming citizens' voting behavior at parliamentary, presidential or local elections. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. The theory of partisan competition was completely eliminated by the other types of explanations. startxref Ideology is to be understood as a way of simplifying our world in relation to the problem of information. This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. La dernire modification de cette page a t faite le 11 novembre 2020 00:26. We have to be careful, because when we talk about political psychology, we include that, but we also include the role of cognitions and rationality. LAZARSFELD, PAUL F., BERNARD BERELSON, and HAZEL GAUDET. In this perspective, voting is essentially a question of attachment, identity and loyalty to a party, whereas in the rationalist approach it is mainly a question of interest, cognition and rational reading of one's own needs and the adequacy of different political offers to one's needs. There are several responses to criticisms of the proximity model. It rejects the notion that voting behavior is largely determined by class affiliation or class socialization. In order to explain this anomaly, another explanation beside the curvilinear explanation beside the directional theories of the vote, a third possibility to explain this would be to say that there are some parties that abandon the idea of maximizing the vote or electoral support in order to mobilize this electorate and for this we have to go to extremes. This is the proximity model. However, he conceives the origin and function of partisan identification in a different way from what we have seen before. those who inquire: they are willing to pay these costs. If we look at it a little more broadly, partisan identification can be seen as a kind of shortcut. The theory of the economic model of the vote is also a model that allows predictions to be made about party behaviour. We project voters' preferences and political positions, that is, the positions that parties have on certain issues and for the preferences that voters have on certain issues. 0000001213 00000 n There was a whole series of critics who said that if it's something rational, there's a problem with the way democracy works. The psycho-sociological model, also known as the Michigan model, can be represented graphically or schematically. The idea is that it is in circles of interpersonal relations even if more modern theories of opinion leaders look at actors outside the personal circle. We are going to talk about the economic model. While Downs said that there are parties that take positions on issues, the voter has difficulty with this inferring a position on a left-right axis. Many researchers have criticised the Downs proximity model in particular. emotional ties between voters and parties; a phase of political misalignment (2), which may be the one we are currently in in Europe since the economic crisis, which is a weakening of partisan loyalties resulting in increased electoral volatility, i.e. Today, there is an attempt to combine the different explanations trying to take into account, both sociological determinants but also the emotional and affective component as well as the component related to choice and calculation. There have been attempts to address this anomaly. Among these bridges, one of the first bridges between the psycho-sociological voting theory and the rationalist theories was made by Fiorina because he considers partisan identification to be an important element in explaining electoral choice. Inking and the role of socialization cause individuals to form a certain partisan identification that produces certain types of political attitudes. This identification is seen as contributing to an individual's self-image. Voters who rely on strong partisan identification do not need to go and do systematic voting or take one of the shortcuts. Economic theories of voting explain both voter turnout (1) and electoral choice (2). These authors proposed to say that there would be a relationship between the explanatory models of the vote and the cycle of alignment, realignment, misalignment in the sense that the sociological model would be better able to explain the vote in phases of political realignment. The intensity directional model adds an element that is related to the intensity with which candidates and political parties defend certain positions. It is a very detailed literature today. trailer So there are four main ways. Symbols evoke emotions. The first question is how to assess the position of the different parties and candidates, since we start from the idea of projecting voters' political preferences and party projections onto a map. We need to find identification measures adapted to the European context, which the researchers have done. The second criterion is subjectivity, which is that voters calculate the costs and benefits of voting subjectively, so they make an assessment of the costs and benefits. The psycho-sociological model says that it is because this inking allows identification with a party which in turn influences political attitudes and therefore predispositions with regard to a given object, with regard to the candidate or the party, and this is what ultimately influences the vote. European Journal of Political Research, 54(2), 197215. There are other variants or models that try to accommodate this complexity. Four landmark studies connected with the presidential elections of 1940, 1948, 1952, and 1956 mark the establishment of scholarly survey-based research on voting behavior (Rossi 1959). social determinism maximum proximity, as the party, his or her utility increases, and when the voter moves away from the party, his or her utility decreases. The answer to this second question will allow us to differentiate between proximity models and directional models because these two subsets of the spatial theories of voting give diametrically opposite answers to this question. Pp. The curve instead of the simple proximity model, or obviously the maximization from the parties' point of view of electoral support, lies in the precise proximity between voters' preferences and the parties' political programs on certain issues, in this case this remains true but with a lag that is determined by discounting from a given status quo. These authors have tried to say that the different explanatory theories of the vote can be more or less explanatory in the sense of having more or less importance of explanatory power depending on the phases in which one is in a process of alignment and misalignment. If we take into account Przeworski and Sprague's idea that preferences are exogenous and not endogenous, it is possible to create a typology as Iversen did. A second possible answer is that they will vote for the candidate who belongs to the party with which they identify. The organization is in crisis and no longer reflects our own needs. It is a variant of the simple proximity model which remains in the idea of proximity but which adds an element which makes it possible to explain certain voting behaviours which would not be explainable by other models. It is an explanation that is completely outside the logic of proximity and the spatial logic of voting. JSTOR. Models of Voting Behavior Models of Voting Behavior Dr. Bradley Best Asst. They may rely less on their partisan loyalties, so their vote may be explained less by their social base and more by their choice among an offer that is the economic model. By Phone: (386) 758-1026 ext. The second explanation refers to the directional model, i.e. The relationship between partisan identification and voting is that the model postulates that partisan identification is the explanatory variable and that voting for the electoral choice is the explained variable. This is called prospective voting because voters will listen to what the parties have to say and evaluate on the basis of that, that is, looking ahead. At the aggregate level, the distribution of partisan identification in the electorate makes it possible to calculate the normal vote. While in the United States, several studies have shown that partisan identification is an important explanatory power on electoral choice, in other contexts this is less true. In other words, a directional element is introduced into the proximity model. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987. The Lazarsfeld model would link membership and voting. This model of voting behavior sees the voter as thinking individual who is able to take a view on political issues and votes accordingly. In summary, it can be said that in the economic model of voting, the political preferences of voters on different issues, are clearly perceived by the voters themselves which is the idea that the voter must assess his own interest, he must clearly perceive what are the political preferences of voters. Otherwise, our usefulness as voters decreases as a party moves away, i.e. Moreover, there are analogies that are made even explicitly with the idea of the market. The economic model of the vote puts the notion of electoral choice back at the centre. Here, preferences are endogenous and they can change. The basic assumption is that voters decide primarily on the basis of ideologies and not on the basis of specific positions on issues. Linked to this, it is important to look at individual data empirically as well. (Second edition.) So all these elements help to explain the vote and must be taken into account in order to explain the vote. In their view, ideology is a means of predicting political positions on a significant number of issues and also a basis for credible and consistent engagement by the party or candidate that follows it. Voting requires voters to know the candidates' positions on issues, but when there are several candidates or several parties, it is not very easy for some voters in particular. All parties that are in the same direction of the voter maximize the individual utility of that voter. One must assess the value of one's own participation and also assess the number of other citizens who will vote. It is easier to look at what someone has done than to evaluate the promises they made. He wanted to see the role of the media in particular and also the role of opinion leaders and therefore, the influences that certain people can have in the electoral choice. Thus, they were well suited not only to develop and test theories of voting behavior, but also to provide an historical record of the considerations shaping the outcomes of specific national elections. The idea of prospective voting is very demanding. There are also external factors that also need to be considered, such as the actions of the government, for example, voters are influenced by what the government has done. In this theory, we vote for specific issues that may be more or less concrete, more or less general, and which form the basis for explaining electoral behaviour. Professor Political Science Buena Vista University Two basic concerns: Turnout ("Who votes?") Key questions: What are the characteristics and attitudes of voters vs. nonvoters? There are three actors at play in this theory: there are voters, candidates, and an intermediate group represented by activists who are in fact voters who become activists going to exercise "voice". This is an alternative way which is another answer to the question of how to evaluate the position of different parties and candidates. The original measurement was very simple being based on two questions which are a scale with a question about leadership. Symbolic politics says that what is important in politics are not necessarily the rationally perceived positions or the political positions of the parties but what the political symbols evoke in relation to certain issues. We are looking at the interaction. Partisan identification becomes stronger over time. The explanatory factors and aspects highlighted by these different models are always taken into account. We have seen that at Downs, the role of ideology is fundamental and that ideology could function as a kind of shortcut. Apart from the combined models, it can be thought that different models may explain differently according to historical moments and phases of a process of political alignment and misalignment just as models may better explain certain types of candidates or according to the profile and type of voters. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. In other words, if we know the partisan identification of voters, we can make a prediction about what the normal vote will be, which is a vote that is not or should not be influenced by other situational factors in a given electorate. Voting behavior is a form of electoral behavior. From that point on, there has been the development of a whole body of literature on political psychology. The basic idea is the representation of a point that is an ideal point for each voter in a hypothetical space. If certain conditions are present, such as good democratic functioning within the party, activists will have the opportunity to exercise "voice" and influence positions. Video transcript. Also called the Columbia model (after the university from whence came the researchers), the sociological model of voting behavior was constructed with the intention of studying the effect of media on voting choice. So there is an overestimation in this model with respect to capacity. Merrill, Samuel, and Bernard Grofman. The concept and this theory was developed in the United States by political scientists and sociologists and initially applied to the American political system with an attachment to the Democratic Party rather than the Republican Party. The starting point is that there is a congruence of attitudes between party leaders and voters due to the possibility of exit for voters when the party no longer represents them (exit). Prospective voting says that the evaluation is based on what the parties and candidates are going to say. It is possible to attribute some merits and some criticisms to this model at least in its initial formulation. On the other hand, in rationalist approaches, shortcuts are cognitive shortcuts. Distance must be taken into account and the idea of mobilizing the electorate must be taken into account. Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. Here we see the key factors, namely electoral choice and, at the centre, the identification variable for a party, which depends on two types of factors, namely primary socialization and group membership. 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